Brian M Downing
Anti-democratic sentiment is on the rise, though adherents see themselves as defenders of the nation. There’s a gap between this sentiment in the country and political power in Washington – between blood and soil and principles and processes. The gap may be closing with the aid of political factions, ideological justifications, and media outlets.
The New GOP
Republicans have done well for fifty years now with populist-nationalist appeals to blue-collar and rural voters. Richard Nixon made the call amid the turmoil of the Vietnam War. Ronald Reagan did the same when the country was paralyzed by malaise and the Iran crisis. In 2016, candidate Trump followed their examples. All three won, two by landslides.
The Republicans face a dubious future without the populist-nationalist base. The GOP could become a mere regional party with little chance of winning the White House or majorities in Congress, like the Whigs of the mid-19th century.
To avoid irrelevance, Republican elites and cadres have courted populist-nationalists. The 2016 campaign was a wedding of sorts. Since the consummation in November, populist-nationalists have forced GOP leaders and cadres into one degrading position after another. Only a handful of traditional conservatives are objecting. As Oscar Wilde noted, leading the people can mean following the mob.
The ideology
The Party claims to be defending traditional morals, power prestige, and law and order. The latter point may be startling given events of last January and ensuing silence, but followers will point to Minneapolis, Seattle, and Portland, where unrest verged on breakdown and secession, and to a sharp rise in crime across the country.
The Party will present itself as asserting America’s prestige in the face of Chinese and Russian probes around the world. The present administration, saddled by problems left by the previous three administrations, will be blasted as weak and indecisive – an unworthy defender of America, its long-standing allies, and its historical mission in the world.
The New GOP will blame gridlock and decline on the present administration and its party’s growing extremism and diminishing patriotism. Extraordinary measures are needed to limit their influence in national affairs.
The media
Conservative radio broadcasts have crisscrossed the country for decades. More sophisticated than Father Coughlin and Billy James Hargis, and unburdened by the Fairness Doctrine, they are integrated into a small number of corporations beaming a consistent, well-crafted message. Their leading voice fell silent last year but rivals and acolytes continue the mission of demonizing opponents and imposing orthodoxy.
Three cable networks broadcast similar messages and perform the same synchronizing mission as radio. Opponents and strays must be vilified and forced out – or humiliated and brought around to orthodoxy. The Party will then able to assert itself and take the country where it needs to be taken. Free market forces were once thought to guide entrepreneurs toward a common good. They now impel the networks toward greater abrasiveness, dishonesty, and sycophancy.
Part three: things to come
Part four: the military
©2022 Brian M Downing
Brian M Downing is a national security analyst who’s written for outlets across the political spectrum. He studied at Georgetown University and the University of Chicago, and did post-graduate work at Harvard’s Center for International Affairs. Thanks as ever to Susan Ganosellis.